In view of the natural wish of many of “restricted facilities,” to consult for themselves the full text of certain of the principal letters and documents which have imparted much of the most definite and valuable information concerning the Pilgrim movement, it has been thought well to include certain of them here verbatim, that they may be of ready availability to the reader. The list comprises copies of—
I. The Agreement of the Merchant Adventurers and Planters;
II. The Letter of the Leyden Leaders to John Carver and Robert Cushman (at London), May 31/June 10, 1620;
III. The Letter of Robert Cushman to John Carver (then at Southampton), Saturday, June 10/20, 1620;
IV. The Letter of Robert Cushman to the Leyden Leaders, June 10/20, 1620;
V. The Letter of Robert Cushman to the Leyden Leaders, Sunday, June 11/21, 1620;
VI. The Letter of Rev. John Robinson to John Carver at London, June 14/24, 1620;
VII. The Letter of the Planters to the Merchant Adventurers from Southamp ton, August 3, 1620;
VIII. The Letter of Robert Cushman (from Dartmouth) to Edward Southworth, Thursday, August 17,1620;
IX. The MAY-FLOWER Compact;
X. The Nuncupative Will of Master William Mullens; and
XI. The Letter of “One of the Chiefe of ye Companie” (The Merchant Adventurers), dated at London, April 9, 1623—
Many other early original documents frequently referred to in this volume are of no less interest than those here given, but most of them have either had such publication as to be more generally known or accessible, or involve space and cost disproportionate to their value in this connection.
Anno: 1620, July 1.
1. The adventurers & planters doe agree, that every person that goeth being aged 16. years & upward, be rated at 10li., and ten pounds to be accounted a single share.
2. That he goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe out with 10li. either in money or other provisions, be accounted as haveing 20li. in stock, and in ye devission shall receive a double share.
3. The persons transported & ye adventurers shall continue their joynt stock & partnership togeather, ye space of 7 years, (excepte some unexpected impedimente doe cause ye whole company to agree otherwise,) during which time, all profits & benifits that are gott by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means of any person or persons, remaine still in ye comone stock untill ye division.
4. That at their coming ther, they chose out such a number of fitt persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing upon ye sea; imploying the rest of their severall faculties upon ye land; as building houses, tilling, and planting ye ground, & makeing shuch comodities as shall be most usefull for ye collonie.
5. That at ye end of ye 7 years, ye capitall & profits, viz. the houses, lands, goods and chatels, be equally devided betwixte ye adventurers, and planters; wch done, every man shall be free from other of them of any debt or detrimente concerning this adventure.
6. Whosoever cometh to ye colonie hereafter, or putteth any into ye stock, shall at the ende of ye 7. years be alowed proportionably to ye time of his so doing.
7. He that shall carie his wife & children, or servants, shall be alowed for everie person now aged 16. years & upward, a single share in ye devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a duble share, or if they be between 10. year old and 16., then 2. of them to be reconed for a person, both in trasportation and devision.
8. That such children as now goe, & are under ye age of ten years, have noe other shar in ye devision, but 50. acers of unmanured land.
9. That such persons as die before ye 7. years be expired, their executors to have their parte or sharr at ye devision, proportionably to ye time of their life in ye collonie.
10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have their meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of ye comon stock & goods of ye said collonie.
Governor Bradford adds:—
“The chief and principal differences betwene these & the former [original] conditions, stood in those 2. points; that ye houses, & lands improved, espetialy gardens & home lotts should remaine undevided wholy to ye planters at ye 7. years end. 2ly, yt they should have had 2. days in a weeke for their owne private imploymente, for ye more comforte of themselves and their families, espetialy such as had families.”
[Apparently, as has been noted, neither these articles of agreement, nor their predecessors which received the approval of the Leyden leaders, were ever signed by the contracting parties, until Robert Cushman brought the later draft over in the FORTUNE, in 1621, and the planter body (advised thereto by Pastor Robinson, who had previously bitterly opposed) signed them. Much might be truly said on either side of this controversy—indeed was said at the time; but if the Pilgrims were to abandon their contention, whatever its merits, in a year’s time, as they did, it would seemingly have been much better not to have begun it, for it undoubtedly cost them dear.]
May 31/June 10, 1620.
To their loving freinds John Carver and Robart Cushman, these, &c.
Good bretheren, after salutations, &c. We received diverse letters at ye
coming of Mr. [Thomas] Nash & our pilott, which is a great incouragmente
unto us, and for whom we hop after times will minister occasion of
praising God; and indeed had you not sente him, many would have been
ready to fainte and goe backe. Partly in respecte of ye new conditions
which have bene taken up by you, which all men are against, and partly in
regard of our owne inabillitie to doe any one of those many waightie
bussineses you referr to us here. For ye former wherof, wheras Robart
Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike, promising therupon to alter ye
same, or els saing we should thinke he hath no brains, we desire him to
exercise them therin, refering him to our pastors former reasons, and
them to ye censure of ye godly wise. But our desires are that you will
not entangle your selvs and us in any such unreasonable courses as those
are, viz. yt the marchants should have ye halfe of mens houses and lands
at ye dividente; and that persons should be deprived of ye 2. days in a
weeke agreed upon, yea every momente of time for their owne perticuler;
by reason wherof we cannot conceive why any should carie servants for
their own help and comfort; for that we can require no more of them than
all men one of another. This we have only by relation from Mr. Nash, &
not from any writing of your owne, & therfore hope you have not proceeded
farr in so great a thing without us. But requiring you not to exseed the
bounds of your comission, which was to proceed upon ye things or
conditions agred upon and expressed in writing (at your going over it),
we leave it, not without marveling, that your selfe, as you write,
knowing how smale a thing troubleth our consultations, and how few,
as you fear, understands the busnes aright, should trouble us with such
matters as these are, &c. Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we
are not deceived; we pray you make known our estate unto him, and if you
thinke good shew him our letters, at least tell him (yt under God) we
much relie upon him & put our confidence in him; and, as your selves well
know, that if he had not been an adventurer with us, we had not taken it
in hand; presuming that if he had not seene means to accomplish it, he
would not have begune it; so we hope in our extremitie he will so farr
help us as our expectation be no way made frustrate concerning him.
Since therfor, good brethren, we have plainly opened ye state of things
with us in this matter, you will, &c. Thus beseeching ye Allmightie, who
is allsufficiente to raise us out of this depth of difficulties, to
assiste us herin; raising such means by his providence and fatherly care
for us, his pore children & servants, as we may with comforte behould ye
hand of our God for good towards us in this our bussines, which we
undertake in his name & fear, we take leave & remaine
Your perplexed, yet hopful
bretheren,
June 10, New Stille
Ano: 1620. SAMUEL FULLER, EDWARD WINSLOW,
WILLIAM BRADFORD, ISAAC ALLERTON.
Saturday, June 10/20, 1620.
To his loving freind Mr. John Carver, these, &c.
Loving freind, I have received from you some letters, full of affection &
complaints, & what it is you would have of me I know not; for your
crieing out, Negligence, negligence, negligence, I marvell why so
negligente a man was used in ye bussines: Yet know you yt all that I have
power to doe hear, shall not be one hower behind, I warent you. You have
reference to Mr. Weston to help us with money, more then his adventure;
wher he protesteth but for his promise, he would not have done any thing.
He saith we take a heady course, and is offended yt our provissions are
made so farr of; as also that he was not made aquainted with our
quantitie of things; and saith yt in now being in 3. places, so farr
remote, (i.e. Leyden, London, and Southampton) we will, with going up &
downe, and wrangling & expostulating, pass over ye sourer before we will
goe. And to speake ye trueth, they is fallen already amongst us a flatt
schisme; and we are redier to goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde a
vaiage. I have received from Leyden since you wente (to Southampton) 3.
or 4. letters directed to you, though they only conscerne me. I will not
trouble you with them. I always feared ye event of ye Amsterdamers
(members of Rev. Henry Ainsworth’s church there) striking in with us.
I trow you must excomunicate me, or els you must goe without their
companie, or we shall wante no quareling; but let them pass.
We have reckoned, it should seeme, without our host; and, count upon a
150. persons, ther cannot be founde above 1200li. & odd moneys of all ye
venturs you can reckone, besids some cloath, stockings, & shoes, which
are not counted; so we shall come shorte at least 3. or 400li. I would
have had some thing shortened at first of beare (beer) & other
provissions in hope of other adventurs, & now we could have, both in
Amsterd & Kente, beere inough to serve our turne, but now we cannot
accept it without prejudice. You fear we have begune to build & and
shall not be able to make an end; indeed, our courses were never
established by counsell, we may therfore justly fear their standing.
Yea, then was a schisme amongst us 3. at ye first. You wrote to Mr.
Martin, to prevente ye making of ye provissions in Kente, which he did,
and sett downe his resolution how much he would have of every thing,
without respecte to any counsell or exception. Surely he yt is in a
societie & yet regards not counsell, may better be a king then a
consorte. To be short, if then be not some other dispossition setled
unto then yet is, we yt should be partners of humilitie and peace, shall
be examples of jangling & insulting. Yet your money which you ther
[Southampton] must have, we will get provided for you instantly. 500li.
you say will serve; for ye rest which hear & in Holand is to be used, we
may goe scratch for it. For Mr. Crabe, of whom you write, he hath
promised to goe with us, yet I tell you I shall not be without feare till
I see him shipped, for he [i.e. his going] is much opposed, yet I hope
he will not faile. Thinke ye best of all, and bear with patience what is
wanting, and ye Lord guid us all.
Your loving freind,
ROBART CUSHMAN.
London June 10.
Ano: 1620.
(Probably written at London, Saturday, June 10/20, 1620.)
Brethern, I understand by letters & passagess yt have come to me, that ther are great discontents, & dislike of my proceedings amongst you. Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it, as not doubting but yt partly by writing, and more principally by word when we shall come togeather, I shall satisfie any reasonable man. I have been perswaded by some, espetialy this bearer, to come and clear things unto you; but as things now stand I cannot be absente one day, excepte I should hazard all ye viage. Neither conceive I any great good would come of it. Take then, brethern, this as a step to give you contente. First, for your dislike of ye alteration of one clause in ye conditions, if you conceive it right, ther can be no blame lye on me at all. For ye articles first brought over by John Carver were never seene of any of ye adventurers hear, excepte Mr. Weston, neither did any of them like them because of that clause; nor Mr. Weston him selfe, after he had well considered it. But as at ye first ther was 500li. withdrawne by Sr. Georg Farrer and his brother upon that dislike, so all ye rest would have withdrawne (Mr. Weston excepted) if we had not altered yt clause. Now whilst we at Leyden conclude upon points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was not my faulte. Besids, I shewed you by a letter ye equitie of yt condition, & our inconveniences, which might be sett against all Mr. Rob: [Robinson’s] inconveniences, that without ye alteration of yt clause, we could neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie wherby to subsiste when we were ther. Yet notwithstanding all those reasons, which were not mine, but other mens wiser than my selfe, without answer to any one of them, here cometh over many quirimonies, and complaints against me, of lording it over my brethern, and making conditions fitter for theeves & bondslaves then honest men, and that of my owne head I did what I list. And at last a paper of reasons, framed against yt clause in ye conditions, which as yey were delivered me open, so my answer is open to you all. And first, as they are no other but inconveniences, such as a man might frame 20. as great on ye other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by them, so they misse & mistake both ye very ground of ye article and nature of ye project.
For, first, it is said, that if ther had been no divission of houses & lands, it had been better for ye poore. True, and yt showeth ye inequalitie of ye condition; we should more respect him yt ventureth both his money and his person, then him yt ventureth but his person only.
2. Consider whereaboute we are, not giveing almes, but furnishing a store house; no one shall be porer then another for 7. years, and if any be rich, none can be pore. At ye least, we must not in such bussines crie, Pore, pore, mercie, mercie. Charitie hath it[s] life in wraks, not in venturs; you are by this most in a hopefull pitie of makeing, therefore complaine not before you have need.
3. This will hinder ye building of good and faire houses, contrarie to ye advise of pollitiks. A. So we would have it; our purpose is to build for ye presente such houses as, if need be, we may with litle greefe set a fire, and rune away by the lighte; our riches shall not be in pompe, but in strength; if God send us riches, we will imploye them to provid more men, ships, munition, &c. You may see it amongst the best pollitiks, that a comonwele is readier to ebe then to flow, when once fine houses and gay cloaths come up.
4. The Govet may prevente excess in building. A. But if it be on all men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, ye Govet laboure is spared.
5. All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition you mean wealth, you are mistaken; if you mean by condition, qualities, then I say he that is not contente his neighbour shall have as good a house, fare, means, &c. as him selfe, is not of a good qualitie. 2ly. Such retired persons, as have an eie only to them selves, are fitter to come wher catching is, then closing; and are fitter to live alone, then in any societie, either civil or religious.
6. It will be of litle value, scarce worth 5li. A. True, it may not be worth halfe 5li. If then so smale a thing will content them, (the Adventurers) why strive we thus aboute it, and give them occasion to suspecte us to be worldly & covetous? I will not say what I have heard since these complaints came first over [from Leyden].
7. Our freinds with us yt adventure mind not their owne profite, as did ye old adventurers. A. Then they are better than we, who for a little matter of profite are readie to draw back, and it is more apparente, brethern looke too it, that make profit your maine end; repente of this, els goe not least you be like Jonas to Tarshis. Though some of them mind not their profite, yet others doe mind it; and why not as well as we? venturs are made by all sorts of men, and we must labour to give them all contente, if we can.
8. It will break ye course of comunitie, as may be showed by many reasons. A. That is but said, and I say againe, it will best foster comunion, as may be showed by many reasons.
9. Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, &c. A. As it is better for them, so for us; for halfe is ours, besids our living still upon it, and if such profite in yt way come, our labour shall be ye less on ye land, and our houses & lands will be of less value.
10. Our hazard is greater than theirs. A. True, but doe they put us upon it? doe they urge or egg us? hath not ye motion & resolution been always in our selves? doe they any more then in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us to means upon equall termes & conditions! If we will not goe, they are content to keep their moneys.
Thus I have pointed at a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will consider seriously, and let me have no more stirr about them.
Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made; but surly this is all I have altered, and reasons I have sent you. If you mean it of ye 2. days in a week for perticuler, as some insinuate, you are deceived; you may have 3. days in a week for me if you will. And when I have spoken to ye adventurers of times of working, they have said they hope we are men of discretion & conscience, and so fitt to be trusted our selves with that. But indeed ye ground of our proceedings at Leyden was mistaken, and so here is nothing but tottering every day, &c.
As for them of Amsterdam, [i.e. the members of Rev. Henry Ainsworth’s
church there] I had thought they would as soon gone to Rome as with us;
for our libertie is to them as ratts bane, and their riggour as bad to us
as ye Spanish Inquisition. If any practise of mine discourage them, let
them yet draw back; I will undertake they shall have their money againe
presently paid hear. Or if the Company think me to be ye Jonas, let them
cast me of before we goe; I shall be content to stay with good will,
having but ye cloaths on my back; only let us have quietnes, and no more
of these clamors; full little did I expect these things which are now come
to pass, &c.
Yours,
R. CUSHMAN.
(Sunday, June 11/21, 1620.)
Salutations, &c. I received your letter [of May 31/June 10] yesterday,
by John Turner, with another ye same day from Amsterdam by Mr. W.
savouring of ye place whenc it came. And indeed the many discouragements
I find her,[London] togeather with ye demurrs and retirings ther,[Leyden]
had made me to say, I would give up my accounts to John Carver, & at his
comeing aquainte him fully with all courses, and so leave it quite, with
only ye pore cloaths on my back. But gathering up my selfe by further
consideration, I resolved yet to make one triall more, and to acquainte
Mr. Weston with ye fainted state of our bussines; and though he hath been
much discontented at some thing amongst us of late, which hath made him
often say, that save for his promise, he would not meadle at all with ye
bussines any more, yet considering how farr we were plunged into maters,
& how it stood both on our credits & undoing, at ye last he gathered up
him selfe a litle more, & coming to me 2. hours after, he tould me he
would not yet leave it. And so advising togeather we resolved to hire a
ship, and have tooke liking of one till Monday, about 60. laste, for a
greater we cannot gett, excepte it be tow great; but a fine ship it is.
And seeing our neer freinds ther are so streite lased, we hope to assure
her without troubling them any further; and if ye ship fale too small, it
fitteth well yt such as stumble at strawes already, may rest them ther a
while, least worse blocks come in ye way ere 7. years be ended. If you
had beaten this bussines so throuly a month agoe, and write to us as now
you doe, we could thus have done much more conveniently. But it is as it
is; I hope our freinds they, if they be quitted of ye ship hire, will be
indusced to venture ye more. All yt I now require is yt salt and netts
may ther be boughte, and for all ye rest we will here provid it; yet if
that will not be, let them but stand for it a month or tow, and we will
take order to pay it all. Let Mr. Reinholds tarie ther, and bring ye
ship to Southampton. We have hired another pilote here, one Mr. Clarke,
who went last year to Virginia with a ship of kine.
You shall here distinctly by John Turner, who I thinke shall come hence
on tewsday night. I had thought to have come with him, to have answered
to my complaints; but I shal lerne to pass litle for their censurs; and
if I had more minde to goe & dispute & expostulate with them, then I have
care of this waightie bussines, I were like them who live by clamours &
jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at libertie to doe much,
for I am fettered with bussines, and had rather study to be quiet, then
to make answer to their exceptions. If men be set on it, let them beat
ye eair; I hope such as are my sinceire freinds will not thinke but I can
give some reason of my actions. But of your mistaking aboute ye mater,
& other things tending to this bussines, I shall nexte informe you
more distinctly. Mean space entreate our freinds not to be too bussie in
answering matters, before they know them. If I doe such things as I
canot give reasons for, it is like you have sett a foole aboute your
bussines, and so turne ye reproofe to your selves, & send an other, and
let me come againe to my Combes. But setting aside my naturall
infirmities, I refuse not to have my cause judged, both of God, & all
indifferent men; and when we come togeather I shall give accounte of my
actions hear. The Lord, who judgeth justly without respect of persons,
see into ye equitie of my cause, and give us quiet, peacable, and patient
minds, in all these turmoils, and sanctifie unto us all crosses
whatsoever. And so I take my leave of you all, in all love & affection.
I hope we shall gett all hear ready in 14. days.
Your pore brother,
ROBART CUSHMAN.
[London]
June 11. 1620 [O.S.].
[Professor Arber (“The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers,” p. 317) has
apparently failed to notice that in the original MS. of Bradford,
this letter is dated “June 14, 1620, N. Stile,” which would make it
June 4., O.S., while Arber dates it “14/24 June,” which is
manifestly incorrect. A typographical error in Arber (p. 317)
directs the letter to “Leyden” instead of to London. ]
June 14. 1620. N. Stile.
My dear freind & brother, whom with yours I alwaise remember in my best
affection, and whose wellfare I shall never cease to comend to God by my
best & most earnest praires. You doe throwly understand by our generall
letters ye estate of things hear, which indeed is very pitifull;
espetialy by wante of shiping, and not seeing means lickly, much less
certaine, of having it provided; though withall ther be great want of
money & means to doe needfull things. Mr. [Edward] Pickering, you know
before this, will not defray a peny hear; though Robert Cushman presumed
of I know not how many 100li. from him, & I know not whom. Yet it seems
strange yt we should be put to him to receive both his & his partners
[William Greene’s] adventer, and yet Mr. Weston write unto him, yt in
regard of it, he hath drawne upon him a 100li. more. But they is in this
some misterie, as indeed it seems ther is in ye whole course. Besids,
wheras diverse are to pay in some parts of their moneys yet behinde, they
refuse to doe it, till they see shiping provided, or a course taken for
it. Neither doe I thinke is ther a man hear would pay anything, if he
had againe his money in his purse. You know right well we depended on
Mr. Weston alone, and upon such means as he would procure for this
commone bussines; and when we had in hand an other course with ye
Dutchmen, broke it of at his motion, and upon ye conditions by him
shortly after propounded. He did this in his love I know, but things
appeare not answerable from him hitherto. That he should have first have
put in his moneys, is thought by many to have been but fitt, but yt I can
well excuse, he being a marchante and haveing use of it to his benefite;
whereas others, if it had been in their hands, would have consumed it.
But yt he should not but have had either shipping ready before this time,
or at least certaine means, and course, and ye same knowne to us for it,
or have taken other order otherwise, cannot in my conscience be excused.
I have heard yt wen he hath been moved in the bussines, he hath put it of
from him selfe, and referred it to ye others; and would come to Georg
Morton [in London] & enquire news of him aboute things, as if he had
scarce been some accessarie unto it. Wlether he hath failed of some helps
from others which he expected, and so be not well able to goe through
with things, or whether he hath feared least you should be ready too
soone & so encrease ye charge of shiping above yt is meete, or whether he
hath thought by withhoulding to put us upon straits, thinking yt therby
Mr. Brewer and Mr. Pickering would be drawne by importunitie to doe more,
or what other misterie is in it, we know not; but sure we are yt things
are not answerable to such an occasion. Mr. Weston maks himselfe mery
with our endeavors aboute buying a ship, [the SPEEDWELL], but we have
done nothing in this but with good reason, as I am perswaded, nor yet
that I know in any thing els, save in those tow: ye one, that we imployed
Robart Cushman, who is known (though a good man & of spetiall abilities
in his kind, yet) most unfitt to deale for other by reason of his
singularitie, and too great indifferancie for any conditions, and for (to
speak truly) that we have had nothing from him but termes & presumptions.
The other, yt we have so much relyed, by implicite faith as it were, upon
generalities, without seeing ye perticuler course & means for so waghtie
an affaire set down unto us. For shiping, Mr. Weston, it should seeme,
is set upon hireing, which yet I wish he may presently effecte; but I see
litle hope of help from hence if so it be. Of Mr. [Thomas] Brewer, you
know what to expecte. I doe not thinke Mr. Pickering will ingage,
excepte in ye course of buying [ships?] in former letters specified.
Aboute ye conditions, you have our reason for our judgments of what is
agreed. And let this spetially be borne in minde, yt the greatest pane
of ye Collonie is like to be imployed constantly, not upon dressing they
perticuler land & building houses, but upon fishing, trading, &c. So as
ye land & house will be but a trifell for advantage to ye adventurers,
and yet the devission of it a great discouragmente to ye planters, who
would with singuler care make it comfortable with borowed houres from
their sleep. The same consideration of comone imploymente constantly by
the most is a good reason not to have ye 2, daies in a week denyed ye few
planters for private use, which yet is subordinate to comone good.
Consider also how much unfite that you & your liks must serve a new
prentishipe of 7. years, and not a daies freedome from taske. Send me
word what persons are to goe, who of usefull faculties, & how many, &
perticulerly of every thing. I know you wante not a minde. I am sorie
you have not been at London all this while, but ye provissions could not
want you. Time will suffer me to write no more; fare, you & yours well
allways in ye Lord, in whom I rest.
Yours to use,
JOHN’ ROBINSON.
Aug. 3. Ano. 1620.
Beloved freinds, sory we are that ther should be occasion of writing at
all unto you, partly because we ever expected to see ye most of you hear,
but espetially because ther should any difference at all be conceived
betweene us. But seing it faleth out that we cannot conferr togeather,
we thinke it meete (though brefly) to show you ye just cause & reason of
our differing from those articles last made by Robert Cushman, without
our comission or knowledg.
And though he might propound good ends to himselfe, yet it no way
justifies his doing it. Our maine diference is in ye 5.& 9. article,
concerning ye deviding or holding of house and lands; the injoying
whereof some of your selves well know, was one spetiall motive, amongst
many other, to provoke us to goe. This was thought so reasonable, yt
when ye greatest of you in adventure (whom we have much cause to
respecte), when he propounded conditions to us freely of his owne
accorde, he set this downe for one; a coppy wherof we have sent unto you,
with some additions then added by us; which being liked on both sids, and
a day set for ye paimente of moneys, those in Holland paid in theirs.
After yt, Robert Cushman, Mr. [John] Pierce, & Mr. [Christopher] Martine,
brought them into a better forme, & write them in a booke now extante;
and upon Robarts [Cushmans] shewing them and delivering Mr. [William]
Mullins a coppy thereof under his hand (which we have), he payed in his
money. And we of Holland had never seen other before our coming to
Hamton, but only as one got for him selfe a private coppy of them; upon
sight wherof we manyfested uter dislike, but had put of our estats & were
ready to come, and therfore was too late to rejecte ye vioage. Judge
therefore we beseech you indifferently of things, and if a faulte have
bene comited, lay it where it is, & not upon us, who have more cause to
stand for ye one, then you have for ye other. We never gave Robart
Cushman comission to make any one article for us, but only sent him to
receive moneys upon articles before agreed on, and to further ye
provissions till John Carver came, and to assiste him in it. Yet since
you conceive your selves wronged as well as we, we thought meete to add a
branch to ye end of our 9. article, as will allmost heale that wound of
it selfe, which you conceive to be in it. But that it may appeare to all
men yt we are not lovers of our selves only, but desire also ye good &
inriching of our freinds who have adventured your moneys with our
persons, we have added our last article to ye rest, promising you againe
by leters in ye behalfe of the whole company, that if large profits
should not arise within ye 7. years, yt we will continue togeather longer
with you, if ye Lord give a blessing.—[Bradford adds in a note, “It is
well for them yt this was not accepted.”]—This we hope is sufficente to
satisfie any in this case, espetialy freinds, since we are asured yt if
the whole charge was devided into 4. parts, 3. of them will not stand
upon it, nether doe regarde it, &c. We are in shuch a streate at
presente, as we are forced to sell away 60li. worth of our provissions to
cleare ye Haven [Southampton] & withall put our selves upon great
extremities, scarce haveing any butter, no oyle, not a sole to mend a
shoe, nor every man a sword to his side, wanting many muskets, much
armoure, etc. And yet we are willing to expose our selves to shuch
eminente dangers as are like to insue, & trust to ye good providence of
God, rather then his name & truth should be evill spoken of for us. Thus
saluting all of you in love, and beseeching ye Lord to give a blesing to
our endeavore, and keepe all our harts in ye bonds of peace & love, we
take leave & rest,
Yours, &c
Aug. 3. 1620.
[“It was subscribed with many names of ye cheefest of ye company.”
—Bradford, “Historie,” Mass. ed. p. 77.]
To his loving friend Ed[ward] S[outhworth] at Henige House, in ye Duks
Place [London], these, &c.
Dartmouth [Thursday] Aug. 17, [Anno 1620.]
Loving friend, my most kind remembrance to you & your wife, with loving
E. M. &c. whom in this world I never looke to see againe. For besids ye
eminente dangers of this viage, which are no less then deadly, an
infirmitie of body Hath seased me, which will not in all licelyhoode
leave me till death. What to call it I know not, but it it is a bundle
of lead, as it were, crushing my harte more & more these 14. days, as
that allthough I doe ye acctions of a liveing man, yet I am but as dead;
but ye will of God be done. Our pinass [the SPEEDWELL] will not cease
leaking, els I thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia, our viage hither
hath been as full of crosses, as our, selves have been of crokednes. We
put in hear to trime her, & I thinke, as others also, if we had stayed at
sea but 3. or 4. howers more, shee would have sunke right downe. And
though she was twice trimed at Hamton, yet now shee is open and lekie as
a seine; and ther was a borde, a man might have puld of with his fingers,
2 foote longe, wher ye water came in as at a mole hole. We lay at Hamton
7. days, in fair weather, waiting for her, and now we lye hear waiting
for her in as faire a wind as can blowe, and so have done these 4. days,
and are like to lye 4. more, and by yt time ye wind will happily turne as
it did at Hamton. Our victualls will be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before
we goe from the coaste of England, and if our viage last longe, we shall
not have a months victialls when we come in ye countrie. Near 700li.
hath bene bestowed at Hamton upon what I know not. Mr. Martin saith he
neither can nor will give any accounte of it, and if he be called upon
for accounts he crieth out of unthankfulness for his paines & care, that
we are susspitious of him, and flings away, and will end nothing. Also
he so insulteh over our poore people with shuch scorne and contempte, as
if they were not good enough to wipe his shoes. It would break your hart
to see his dealing, and ye mourning of our people. They complaine to me,
& alass! I can doe nothing for them; if I speake to him, he flies in my
face, as mutinous, and saith no complaints shall be heard or received but
by him selfe, and saith they are forwarde, & waspish, discontented
people, & I doe ill to hear them. Ther are others yt would lose all they
have put in, or make satisfaction for what they have had, that they might
departe; but he will not hear them, nor suffer them to goe ashore, least
they should rune away. The sailors also are so offended at his ignorante
bouldnes, in medling & controuling in things he knows not what belongs
too, as yt some threaten to misscheefe him, others say they will leave ye
shipe & goe their way. But at ye best this cometh of it, yt he maks him
selfe a scorne & laughing stock unto them. As for Mr. Weston, excepte
grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will hate us ten times more then
ever he loved us, for not confirming ye conditions. But now, since some
pinches have taken them, they begine to reveile ye trueth, and say Mr.
Robinson was in ye falte who charged them never to consente to those
conditions, nor chuse me into office, but indeede apointed them to chose
them they did chose. But he and they will rue too late, they may now
see, & all be ashamed when it is too late, that they were so ignorante,
yea, & so inordinate in their courses. I am sure as they were resolved
not to seale those conditions, I was not so resolute at Hamton to have
left ye whole bussines, excepte they would seale them, and better ye
vioage to have bene broken of then, then to have brought such miserie to
our selves, dishonour to God, & detrimente to our loving freinds, as now
it is like to doe. 4. or 5. of ye cheefe of them which came from Leyden,
came resolved never to goe on those conditions. And Mr. Martine, he said
he never received no money on those conditions, he was not beholden to ye
marchants, for a pine [pennie], they were bloudsuckers, & I know not
what. Simple man, he indeed never made any conditions wth the marchants,
nor ever spake with them.
But did all that money flie to Hamton, or was it his owne? Who will goe
lay out money so rashly & lavishly as he did, and never know how he comes
by it, or on what conditions? I tould him of ye alteration longe
agoe, & he was contente; but now he dominires, & said I had betrayed them
into ye hands of slaves; he is not beholden to them, he can set out 2
ships him selfe to a viage. When, good man? He hath but 50li. in, & if
he should give up his accounts he would not have a penie left him,
—[“This was found true afterwards.] W[illiam] B"[radford]]—as I
am persuaded, &c. Freind, if ever we make a plantation, God works a
mirakle; especially considering how scante we shall be of victualls, and
most of all ununited amongst our selves, & devoyd of good tutors and
regimente. Violence will break all. Wher is ye meek & humble spirite of
Moyses? & of Nehemiah who reedified ye wals of Jerusalem, and ye state of
Israell? Is not ye sound of Rehoboams braggs daly hear amongst us? Have
not ye philosophers and all wise men observed yt, even in setled comone
welths, violente governours bring either them selves, or people, or
boath, to ruine; how much more in ye raising of comone wealths, when ye
mortar is yet scarce tempered yt should bind ye wales [walls]. If I
should write to you of all things which promiscuously forerune our ruine,
I should over charge my weake head and greeve your tender hart; only
this, I pray you prepare for evill tidings of us every day. But pray for
us instantly, it may be ye Lord will be yet entreated one way or other to
make for us. I see not in reason how we shall escape even ye gasping of
hunger starved persons; but God can doe much, & his will be done. It is
better for me to dye, then now for me to bear it, which I doe daly, &
expect it howerly; haveing received ye sentance of death, both within me
& with out me. Poore William Ring & my selfe doe strive who shall be
meate first for ye fishes; but we looke for a glorious resurrection,
knowing Christ Jesus after ye flesh no more, but looking unto ye joye yt
is before us, we will endure all these things and accounte them light in
comparison of ye joye we hope for. Remember me in all love to our
freinds as if I named them, whose praiers I desire earnestly, & wish
againe to see, but not till I can with more comforte looke them in ye
face. The Lord give us that true comforte which none can take from us.
I had a desire to make a breefe relation of our estate to some freind.
I doubte not but your wisdome will teach you seasonably to utter things
as here after you shall be called to it. That which I have writen is
treue, & many things more which I have for borne. I write it as upon my
life, and last confession in England. What is of use to be spoken of
presently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile, conceall.
Pass by my weake maner, for my head is weake, and my body feeble, ye Lord
make me strong in him, and keepe both you & yours.
Your loving freind,
ROBART CUSHMAN.
Dartmouth, Aug. 17, 1620.
In ye name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwriten, the loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King James, by ye grace of God, of Great Britaine, Franc, & Ireland king, defender of ye faith, &c., haveing under taken, for ye glorie of God, and advancemente of ye Christian faith, and honour of our king & countrie, a voyage to plant ye first colonie in ye Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnly & mutualy in ye presence of God, and one of another, covenant & combine our selves together into a civill body politick, for our better ordering & preservation & furtherance of ye ends aforesaid: and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and frame such just & equall lawes, ordinances, actes, constitutions, & offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meete & convenient for ye generall good of ye Colonie, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witnes wherof we have here under subscribed our names at Cape-Codd ye 11. of November, in ye year of ye raigne of our soveraigne lord, King James, of England, France, & Ireland ye eighteenth, and of Scotland ye fiftie fourth. Ano. Dom. 1620
[Undoubtedly taken by Governor Carver on board the MAY-FLOWER.]
[Although the dictation must, apparently, have been taken on the day
of Master Mullens’s death, February 21/March 3, 1620, Governor
Carver evidently did not write out his notes, and have them
witnessed, till April 2, 1621, some weeks later.]
“April, 1621.
In the name of God, Amen: I comfit my Soule to God that gave it and my
bodie to the earth from whence it came. Alsoe I give my goodes as
followeth: That fforty poundes wch is in the hand of good-man Woodes I
give my wife tenn poundes, my sonne Joseph tenn poundes, my daughter
Priscilla tenn poundes, and my eldest sonne tenn poundes. Alsoe I give to
my eldest sonne all my debtes, bonds, bills (onelye yt forty poundes
excepted in the handes of goodman Wood) given as aforesaid wth all the
stock in his owne handes. To my eldest daughter I give ten shillinges to
be paied out of my sonnes stock Furthermore that goodes I have in
Virginia as followeth To my wife Alice halfe my goodes. 2. to Joseph and
Priscilla the other halfe equallie to be devided betweene them. Alsoe I
have xxi dozen of shoes, and thirteene paire of bootes wch I give into
the Companies handes for forty poundes at seaven years end if they like
them at that rate. If it be thought to deare as my Overseers shall
thinck good. And if they like them at that rate at the devident I shall
have nyne shares whereof I give as followeth twoe to my wife, twoe to my
sonne William, twoe to my sonne Joseph, towe to my daughter Priscilla,
and one to the Companie. Allsoe if my sonne William will come to
Virginia I give him my share of land furdermore I give to my two
Overseers Mr. John Carver and Mr. Williamson, twentye shillinges apeece
to see this my will performed desiringe them that he would have an eye
over my wife and children to be as fathers and freindes to them, Allsoe
to have a speciall eye to my man Robert wch hathe not so approved
himselfe as I would he should have done.
This is a Coppye of Mr. Mullens his Will of all particulars he hathe
given. In witnes whereof I have sette my hande John Carver, Giles Heale,
Christopher Joanes.”
Loving friend, when I write my last leter, I hope to have received one
from you well-nigh by this time. But when I write in Des: I little
thought to have seen Mr. John Pierce till he had brought some good
tidings from you. But it pleased God, he brought us ye wofull tidings of
his returne when he was half-way over, by extraime tempest, werin ye
goodnes & mercie of God appeared in sparing their lives, being 109.
souls. The loss is so great to Mr. Pierce &c., and ye companie put upon
so great charge, as veryly, &c. Now with great trouble & loss, we have
got Mr. John Pierce to assigne over ye grand patente to ye companie,
which he had taken in his owne name, and made quite voyd our former
grante. I am sorie to writ how many hear thinke yt the hand of God was
justly against him, both ye first and 2. time of his returne; in regard
he, whom you and we so confidently trusted, but only to use his name for
ye company, should aspire to be lord over us all, and so make you & us
tenants at his will and pleasure, our assurance or patente being quite
voyd & disanuled by his means. I desire to judg charitably of him. But
his unwillingness to part with his royall lordship, and ye high rate he
set it at, which was 500li. which cost him but 50li., maks many speake
and judg hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his ship, with
charge aboute ye passengers, 640li., &c.
We have agreed with 2 merchants for a ship of 140 tunes, caled ye Anne,
which is to be ready ye last of this month, to bring 60 passengers &
60 tune of goods, &c—[Bradford, Historie, Mass. ed. p. 167.]
Governor Winslow, in his “Hypocrisie Unmasked” (pp. 89,90), indicates that the representatives of the Leyden congregation (Cushman and Carver) sought the First (or London) Virginia Company as early as 1613. It is beyond doubt that preliminary steps toward securing the favor, both of the King and others, were taken as early as 1617, and that the Wincob Patent was granted in their interest, June 9/19, 1619. But the Leyden people were but little advanced by the issue of this Patent. They became discouraged, and began early in 1620 (perhaps earlier) negotiations with the Dutch, which were in progress when, at the instance of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Thomas Weston undertook (February 2/12, April 1/11, 1620) to secure the Leyden party, avowedly for the London Virginia Company, but really for its rival, the Second Virginia Company, soon to be merged in the “Council of Affairs for New England.” It was then, and under these influences, that the Leyden leaders “broke off,” as Bradford puts it, their negotiations with the Dutch authorities, who, however, apparently about the same time, determined to reject their propositions. While the renewal of the Leyden leaders’ negotiations, through Weston, were, “on their face” (and so far as the Pilgrims were concerned), with the First Virginia Company, with whom, through Sir Edwin Sandys and other friends, their original efforts were made, they were, as stated, subverted by Gorges’s plans and Weston’s cooperation, in the interest of the Second Virginia Company. The Merchant Adventurers were represented, in the direct negotiations for the Patent only, by John Pierce, who, at that time, was apparently dealing honestly, and was not, so far as appears, in Gorges’s confidence, though later he proved a traitor and a consummate rascal, albeit he always acted, apparently, alone. The so-called “Pierce Patent” (which displaced the Wincob) was rendered worthless by the landing of the Pilgrims north of 41 deg. north latitude. The third Patent (Pierce’s second) was from the Council for New England to Pierce, for the colonists, but was exchanged by him for a “deed-pole” to himself, though at last surrendered to the colony under stress.
All business without any agreement in writing
Anxiety to get English clothes upon their red brethren
As 1620 did not begin until March 25
Borowed houres from their sleep
Crime—for such it was, in inception, nature, and results
Forks there were none
Genius,—proverbially indifferent to detail
Lanterns—only “serving to make darkness visible”
Malevolence rarely exercised except toward those one has wronged
Meat was held by the napkin while being cut with the knife
Not to be too bussie in answering matters, before they know them
Old Style and the New Style dates
Personal inference rather than a verity
Redier to goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde
Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it
The old adage, “second thief best owner”
Theft of the MAY-FLOWER colony
Thinke ye best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting
Transplantation to the “northern parts of Virginia”
Welcome lies acquired a hold on the public mind
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